EVALUATION INDUSTRY: CURRAN AND SEATON

Curran and Seaton argue that media industries are increasingly dominated by a small number of conglomerates whose main aim is to generate profit. They suggest that when media is controlled by a handful of powerful organisations, it limits diversity, leads to more standardised content, and prioritises commercial gain over creativity. This theory is useful for analysing how long-form television dramas (LFTVDs) are shaped by ownership and institutional power.

Stranger Things is produced and distributed by Netflix, which has become one of the most powerful players in the global television industry. Although it emerged as a disruptor of traditional broadcast models, Netflix now forms part of a highly concentrated streaming landscape. Curran and Seaton would argue that this concentration of power reduces diversity, as major platforms prioritise content that is likely to be commercially successful. Stranger Things arguably reflects this, drawing on familiar and broadly appealing genres and focusing on a largely white, middle-class cast. Its narrative avoids overt political critique and instead relies on nostalgic entertainment, which may reflect the priorities of a platform aiming to retain mass appeal across different markets.

Similarly, Deutschland 83, though originally broadcast on German public service television (RTL) and later picked up by Sundance TV and Amazon in international markets, was produced by UFA Fiction, a subsidiary of the large multinational conglomerate Bertelsmann. Curran and Seaton’s theory helps to explain how even dramas that appear politically complex may still be shaped by industrial contexts. Deutschland 83 offers an accessible, character-led spy narrative that fits established genre expectations, potentially making it more marketable for international audiences. Although it deals with political themes, it presents these within a commercially viable structure, with limited exploration of less familiar ideological perspectives, such as those from East Germany.

Curran and Seaton also argue that concentration of ownership can limit the range of voices represented. This is evident in Stranger Things, where non-white characters are underrepresented or marginalised, though there is evidence of more progressive gender representation. D83 does include female characters in key roles (such as Lenora), but its central narrative is still driven by a male protagonist. These patterns align with the idea that large institutions often reproduce dominant ideologies, consciously or unconsciously.

However, the theory does have limitations. Netflix, for example, has invested heavily in international and multilingual content, including LFTVDs from South Korea, Germany, and Latin America. While Curran and Seaton argue that corporate media limits diversity, Netflix’s catalogue demonstrates that global platforms can facilitate cross-cultural circulation of content. Similarly, while audience participation is not a focus of Curran and Seaton’s theory, Stranger Things has generated significant fan engagement online, including fan fiction, social media discussion, and cosplay. These participatory cultures suggest that meaning is not solely controlled by institutions, even if production is.

In conclusion, Curran and Seaton’s theory is valuable for understanding how ownership structures shape the content and ideological framing of LFTVDs like Stranger Things and Deutschland 83. Both texts reflect the influence of large media institutions and the prioritisation of commercially viable content. However, the rise of streaming and audience participation complicate their argument, suggesting that while ownership remains important, it is not the only factor shaping media production and reception today.