Hesmondhalgh’s theory of cultural industries argues that
media production is shaped by a drive to minimise risk and maximise profit. Large
conglomerates, rely on strategies such as vertical integration, the use
of established genres, stars, and narrative formulas, and the increasing surveillance
of audiences through data to ensure commercial success. His theory is
especially relevant to the analysis of LFTVDs, which are high-cost productions
that require broad audience appeal to be financially viable.
Stranger Things is a prime example of a series
produced within these industrial constraints and reflects the growing influence
of streaming services. Netflix is now one of the dominant players in global
media distribution and its model of vertical integration, producing and
distributing its own original content, helps it to manage risk and retain
profits. Stranger Things also exemplifies some of risk-reduction
strategies identified by Hesmondhalgh: it draws on familiar genres; it uses
nostalgic references to 1980s pop culture; it casts known actors like Winona
Ryder; and it incorporates established narrative tropes influenced by popular
films such as E.T. and The Goonies. These elements appeal to a broad demographic,
including both adult and younger audiences. Hesmondhalgh’s theory also helps
explain how data-driven production shapes the content of LFTVDs.
Netflix’s use of algorithms to analyse viewer behaviour allows the company to
tailor content to audience preferences, further reducing financial risk. This
practice demonstrates how audience surveillance has become a central part of
the cultural industries in the digital age.
Deutschland 83 also reflects risk-reduction
strategies, albeit in a different media context. Produced by UFA Fiction and
broadcast on both German TV and American streaming platforms, the series
combines the appeal of a spy thriller with historical drama, making it
accessible to international audiences. Its focus on Cold War tensions and
ideological conflict taps into familiar historical narratives, while its
character-driven storytelling allows for emotional resonance. Although Deutschland
83 may seem more politically ambitious than Stranger Things, it
still operates within the constraints of market logic, aligning with
Hesmondhalgh’s idea that even “risky” or “innovative” content is often
carefully engineered to reach broad audiences.
However, Hesmondhalgh’s focus on ownership and industry
structures does not fully account for the cultural and ideological
dimensions of media products. Stranger Things and D83, both
negotiate complex themes such as trauma, gender roles, power dynamics and
intriguing socio-political messaging (especially D83). Hesmondhalgh’s economic
framework does not address these elements in depth. Additionally, his theory
pays limited attention to the active role of audiences, how they
interpret, critique, and form communities around media texts. Audience
engagement with Stranger Things includes fan theories, online
discussion, cosplay, and more, demonstrating that meaning is not solely
produced by the industry but also shaped by reception and participation.
Furthermore, while Netflix challenges traditional media
broadcasters, it is itself a conglomerate, now part of a small elite
group dominating the global streaming market. This nuance complicates
Hesmondhalgh’s distinction between old and new media power structures. His
theory helps us understand the industrial logic behind Netflix’s success, but
it may not fully capture the evolving nature of media convergence and
globalisation in the digital era.
Therefore, while Hesmondhalgh’s theory is extremely useful for highlighting the commercial strategies that shape LFTVDs, it should be complemented by approaches that consider ideological content, audience response, and creative agency. His framework offers a strong foundation for understanding how media products are designed within a capitalist system, but a fuller analysis of LFTVDs requires attention to the complex relationship between culture, commerce, and audience interaction.
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